Wednesday, March 18, 2020
Ida Tarbell - Taking on the Trust essays Although John D. Rockefeller and Ida B. Tarbell had seemingly little in common, their paths epically crossed over time. John Rockefeller, co-founder of Standard Oil, and Ida Tarbell, investigative journalist, became intertwined in a conflict not only involving Standard Oil, but also the financial well-being of citizens and businesses in America. Through Idas writing, John D., and many other American citizens, realized that journalism plays an exceptionally important role in politics and government. Ida used her passion for journalism and the truth to uncover the deceptive and unlawful business tactics used by John D. Rockefellers company, Standard Oil. Ida B. Tarbell, daughter of Franklin and Esther Tarbell, was born on November 5, 1857 in Eerie County, Pennsylvania. Ida Tarbell attended school to the college level, despite the wide-spread racial inequality of that era. During the 1850s, the presence of women in any workplace was unusual. Ida Tarbell went against the odds, as she did not depend on a man for income, or submit to virtually any of societys norms. Ida Tarbell had a passion for learning, which eventually contributed to her great success as an investigative journalist. Ida did not let the desires or stereotypes of society stop her from publishing what she saw fit to share with the general public. As Ida B. Tarbell grew up in Pennsylvania, she became increasingly exposed to the effects the discovery and usage of oil had on Americans. Although her father, Franklin Tarbell, found work in this field, Ida was well aware of the dangers it held. Oils hazardous nature caused explosions, killing people by the dozens. Idas adolescence was greatly hindered by her close proximity to an oil well. Living in an oil boomtown held little joy for curious children; just about everything interesting seemed to be off limits because of the potential danger (Weinburg, 57). Her mother, Esther Ta...
Sunday, March 1, 2020
Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill Nine months after Sir Winston Churchill failed to be reelected as Britains Prime Minister, Churchill traveled by train with President Harry Truman to make a speech. On March 5, 1946, at the request of Westminster College in the small Missouri town of Fulton (population of 7,000), Churchill gave his now famous Iron Curtain speech to a crowd of 40,000. In addition to accepting an honorary degree from the college, Churchill made one of his most famous post-war speeches. In this speech, Churchill gave the very descriptive phrase that surprised the United States and Britain, From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Before this speech, the U.S. and Britain had been concerned with their own post-war economies and had remained extremely grateful for the Soviet Unions proactive role in ending World War II. It was Churchills speech, which he titled The Sinews of Peace, that changed the way the democratic West viewed the Communist East. Though many people believe that Churchill coined the phrase the iron curtain during this speech, the term had actually been used for decades (including in several earlier letters from Churchill to Truman). Churchills use of the phrase gave it wider circulation and made the phrase popularly recognized as the division of Europe into East and West. Many people consider Churchills iron curtain speech the beginning of the Cold War. Below is Churchills The Sinews of Peace speech, also commonly referred to as the Iron Curtain speech, in its entirety. The Sinews of Peace by Winston Churchill I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name Westminster is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments. It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities- unsought but not recoiled from- the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see. I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind. The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part. To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that. Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars- though not, alas, in the interval between them- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end. I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith. It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation. Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habe as Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence. All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise- let us practise what we preach. I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. There is enough for all. The eart h is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement. Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval a nd Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future. The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come- I feel eventually there will come- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see. There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. In my fathers house are many mansions. Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have faith in each others purpose, hope in each others future and charity towards each others shortcomings- to quote some good words I read here the other day- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each others working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure. A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain- and I doubt not here also- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty how ever, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone- Greece with its immortal glories- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence an d power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered. If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts- and facts they are- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace. The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great impor tance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Titos claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains. The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time. On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become. From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title The Sinews of Peace. Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or advent ure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no ones land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come. * The text of Sir Winston Churchills The Sinews of Peace speech is quoted in its entirety from Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974) 7285-7293.
Friday, February 14, 2020
International Organizations of Africa - Essay Example (Draper, 2003) Much analysis of African socio-economic issues was done by UNCTAD. It aims at increasing global understanding of the development problems of Africa so that action at national, regional and international levels can be accelerated and promoted to ensure integration of African countries in the world economy. (Draper, 2003) Towards that effect, UNCTAD works with various international organizations. It also contributes to the New Partnership for Africa's development (NEPAD). The year 2005 will undoubtedly a most favourable year for the region. Apart from the G8 summit in Scotland (where Africa dominated the agenda); the WTO Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong in December highlighted the continent too. While the importance of aid and debt relief for the poorest countries on the continent is acknowledged, favourable terms of trade are increasingly regarded as the key to sustainable economic development and self-sufficiency. The matrix of carve-outs from GATT disciplines included exemptions for developing countries from tariff liberalization. Tariff reduction negotiations therefore covered industrial goods and were dominated by developed countries who exchanged concessions among themselves. Apart from exclusions from some obligations, another aspect of SDT was the granting of preferential market access to developing countries by developed countries as an allowable departure from the non-discrimination principle underpinning GATT. For this and other reasons relating to the overall power distribution in the system, developing countries and African countries were not seen as equal partners in the negotiations. In addition, reliance on preferences locked many African economies into long-term dependency on low value added production for developed country markets. approach' to SDT gave way to one of limiting policy flexibilities and exemptions from obligations, except for least developed countries (LDCs), whilst allowing for 'asymmetry' in developing country commitments. To pacify developing countries, a range of SDT provisions was built into the various WTO agreements. (Draper, 2003) Like many developing countries, African countries were not happy with the results of the Uruguay Round. They adopted a defensive stance towards developed countries, which contributed to failure in two WTO Ministerial Conferences in Seattle and Cancun. They further highlighted their disillusionment by opposing the initiation of the current round of negotiations calling for past 'injustices' to be addressed first. Only after a much diplomatic compromises, particularly with promises of a new round to address their developmental issues they finally relented. With specific reference to the Doha Development Agenda and in generally, a fairer WTO for Africa, some issues to be considered: "agricultural reform, non-agricultural market access challenges; SDT and the implementation agenda; interpretation of WTO rules, as well as adjustment assistance for those countries that stand to lose from liberalization." (Draper, 2005) Africa could benefit from reductions in subsidies in developed country, which promotes price
Saturday, February 1, 2020
Server - Essay Example The computer network should also be secured from damages that may result from physical factors and dangers caused by computer virus. Thus, network security is extremely essential in any company; the chief information officer should be aware of how to ensure network security. There are several ways in which unauthorized users can gain access to the peer-to-peer networks in a company. First, they can access the peer networks by using any of the networked computers to type a unique username as well as password. This can be prevented by making sure that the networked computers cannot be accessed physically. To achieve this, the BIOS security should be enabled; this makes sure that the user sets an access name and password for the computers (Maiwald, 2003). Maiwald (2003) asserts that hackers and other unauthorized users can gain access to a companyÃ¢â¬â¢s sever-based network by using the name and password of another person. In such a case, passwords should be changed on a regular basis, and they should not also be written down. This way, it will be extremely difficult for unauthorized users to access the companyÃ¢â¬â¢s network. Data encryption can also be used to ensure that the network is secure and not accessible to unauthorized persons. Data should be encrypted before sending it onto the network. This way, the data will become unreadable even by a person who may attempt to tap the cable and read the data when it passes over the network. Upon arrival at the proper computer, the code designed to decipher encrypted data divides it into bits. The code then translates the bits into information that can be understood (Gollmann, 2011). According to Brown (2000), the network infrastructure of a company should also be protected from computer viruses which may infect the operating systems and files. Viruses can be transmitted through direct cable connection, floppy disks or CDs. Other means in which viruses can be transmitted include electronic ways such as through
Friday, January 24, 2020
Radio Frequency Identification "Select one particular area of the arts, media or communication industries and discuss the way in which new technologies could influence future developments in that fieldÃ¢â¬ Ã¢â¬Å"This is the most dangerous technology humanity has come up with since the nuclear bomb. Our children's generation will judge us by how we handle thisÃ¢â¬ (Centaur Communications, 2003). What possible atrocities could this be in reference to? Could it be Saddam HusseinÃ¢â¬â¢s hidden weapons of mass destruction, or perhaps an opposition to genetic engineering? No, this is a statement from marketing academic Albrecht describing Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) technology. What is RFID and what are the connotations of adopting this technology on future generations? This paper will attempt to answer these questions by examining the following issues: Firstly it will start by providing an explanation and definition of RFID. Next it will discuss possible future developments of this technology as being currently explored by major corporations as well as the public concerns related to possible developments. Finally it will look at the probability of these predictions becoming reality and assess the advantages and disadvantages of these predictions coming to fruition. RFID is fundamentally a form of active one-way communication, where electronic tags are programmed with unique information which enables objects to be identified or tracked by receivers. These tags can then be placed on almost an infinite array of items such as pallets, clothing, vehicles, grocery items and even animals, which opens up a vast range of possible uses for them (Advanstar Communications, 1999). RFID tags could be explained as a type of revolutionary bar... ...ontline Solutions, 7, p48. Centaur Communications Ltd. (2003). Insight: Tagging along. New Media Age, p24. Forester, T. (1987). High-tech society. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd. James, G. (2004). CanÃ¢â¬â¢t hide your prying eyes. Computerworld, 9, p35-36. Jones, P., Clarke-Hill, C., Shears, P., Comfort, D. & Hillier, D. (2004). Radio frequency identification in the UK: opportunities and challenges. International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, 32, p164-171. Lillo. A. (2004). Store of the future is here today. Home Textiles Today, 19, p11. Neff, J. (2003). P&G products to wear wire. Advertising Age, 50, p1. Rosenberg, J. (2003). Bye-bye to bar codes. Editor & Publisher, 36, p20. Stackpole, B. (2003). RFID finds its place. Electronic Business, 9, p42. Wagstaff, J. (2003). Eyes on you, the shopper. Far Eastern Economic Review, 31, p31. Radio Frequency Identification Essay -- Cyberstudies Art Technology Es Radio Frequency Identification "Select one particular area of the arts, media or communication industries and discuss the way in which new technologies could influence future developments in that fieldÃ¢â¬ Ã¢â¬Å"This is the most dangerous technology humanity has come up with since the nuclear bomb. Our children's generation will judge us by how we handle thisÃ¢â¬ (Centaur Communications, 2003). What possible atrocities could this be in reference to? Could it be Saddam HusseinÃ¢â¬â¢s hidden weapons of mass destruction, or perhaps an opposition to genetic engineering? No, this is a statement from marketing academic Albrecht describing Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) technology. What is RFID and what are the connotations of adopting this technology on future generations? This paper will attempt to answer these questions by examining the following issues: Firstly it will start by providing an explanation and definition of RFID. Next it will discuss possible future developments of this technology as being currently explored by major corporations as well as the public concerns related to possible developments. Finally it will look at the probability of these predictions becoming reality and assess the advantages and disadvantages of these predictions coming to fruition. RFID is fundamentally a form of active one-way communication, where electronic tags are programmed with unique information which enables objects to be identified or tracked by receivers. These tags can then be placed on almost an infinite array of items such as pallets, clothing, vehicles, grocery items and even animals, which opens up a vast range of possible uses for them (Advanstar Communications, 1999). RFID tags could be explained as a type of revolutionary bar... ...ontline Solutions, 7, p48. Centaur Communications Ltd. (2003). Insight: Tagging along. New Media Age, p24. Forester, T. (1987). High-tech society. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd. James, G. (2004). CanÃ¢â¬â¢t hide your prying eyes. Computerworld, 9, p35-36. Jones, P., Clarke-Hill, C., Shears, P., Comfort, D. & Hillier, D. (2004). Radio frequency identification in the UK: opportunities and challenges. International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, 32, p164-171. Lillo. A. (2004). Store of the future is here today. Home Textiles Today, 19, p11. Neff, J. (2003). P&G products to wear wire. Advertising Age, 50, p1. Rosenberg, J. (2003). Bye-bye to bar codes. Editor & Publisher, 36, p20. Stackpole, B. (2003). RFID finds its place. Electronic Business, 9, p42. Wagstaff, J. (2003). Eyes on you, the shopper. Far Eastern Economic Review, 31, p31.
Thursday, January 16, 2020
This paper is based on the benefits and compensation in small businesses as this is one of the important factors the small businesses have to consider and likewise have to struggle to compete for top quality employees with big businesses. It is very important for any business to hire good and hardworking employees and for this; they have to plan out proper strategies. Moreover, it is not just important to hire diligent employees but the business also has to make strategies as to how to retain them especially in the case of the small businesses because the competition is very high and it is essential for them to retain them.Organizational culture The culture followed by an organization highlights its personality. Culture basically comprises of the assumptions, the values and norms the business has, its financial position and about its members and their behaviors. Whenever a new member is added to an organization, they donÃ¢â¬â¢t take much time to study and learn about the type of cu lture being followed, however every company has its different culture and although new employees may take time to adjust but they soon get to know about it and work accordingly.There are always some things that are quite obvious for others to understand what type of culture a business has adopted. The way the interior of an organization such as the setting and the furniture being used, what the people working in an organization wear and how and what they talk about tells about the culture of an organization. This is one of the factor that is considered as important by the employees and so the business must set a kind of culture that is easy and favorable for the employees to adjust and is basically the task of the HR department to make the employees feel comfortable.Can HR system make a difference to the creation of such culture? The human resources are required by all the organizations in order to compete in the extremely aggressive world today. This reason defines the purpose of t he HR system extremely necessary, increases efficiency and also enables the company to achieve a competitive advantage over its competitors. HR also helps to identify how and in what ways an individual attributes to affect is organizational effectiveness. The key purpose of HR strategy is to guide the process by which organizations develop and position organizational and human capital to augment their competitiveness.Nowadays, HR is used as a model that reflects an era of strategic management. It emphasizes on the knowledge-based competition. Therefore, these systems are designed in a way to develop and support ideas of intellectual capital and knowledge management that propel strategy formation. (Pynes, 2004). Problematic areas of Human Resource development activities One of the major problems being faced by the HR department is because of the diversified workforce at an organization. Many people feel uncomfortable to working with people of a different age, sex, or culture.Despite the fact that employing people from different groups is good but it can lead to a clot of conflicts. The management has to manage a diversified workforce effectively or it can effect employee satisfaction and productivity negatively and the employees who recognize themselves as valued members of their organization are more diligent, concerned, and innovative and this tends them to work harder. Another problem can be the economic unrest prevailing. People from diversified groups would be having different definition of ambition.The outcome of ambition is mostly unpredictable, some ambitions begun in selflessness end in rancor; others begun in selfishness end in large-heartedness. It can at times be uncontrollable as well and some people may not be able handle ambition serving it as a grief to others. It also leads to jealousy. Other than that, people might opt any way to achieve their goals and these might be unlawful as well. (Evans, 2003). Role and function of HR department To defin e human resources in the simplest words we can say that they are the Ã¢â¬Å"resources for humansÃ¢â¬ within the workplace.The task of the HR department is to meet the needs of the employees and it also serves as a connection between all the people who are involved. The HR system of an organization comes into existence depending on the company size. The Human Resource Department can be formed just by appointing Personnel who can manage a small workforce, In case of a small company but in the case where a larger, complex organization is concerned that employs hundreds of people with many departments and divisions, the task becomes more demanding. Employee Compensation BenefitsThis includes the remuneration and bonuses such as paid leaves, sick leaves and insurance policies, etc and it is Human Resources Department that is in charge to develop and to manage the benefits compensation system for the staff that serves as an inducement to guarantee the recruitment. Their goal does not j ust finish after recruitment but they also have to work on retaining employees and make them continue working for the company. After recruiting an employee, the Benefits Coordinator of the business must meet the selected candidates one-on-one or in small group settings and explain their benefits package.(Brockbank & Ulrich, 2005). Employee Relations These might include age and gender, race discrimination, etc. and it is mandatory for the HR Department to make sure a fair treatment of employees. Employees should know that they are safe and they can approach someone in case they are unfairly treated by anyone. The HR Department acts as an negotiator and works to establish cooperation between the legal entities, regulatory agencies, supervisors and employees to properly tackle and determine the issue is persisting.Policy Formulation Every company whatever its size is has a set of rules and policies. This is essential so that proper regulation can be maintained at the work place. These policies also help the managers to hire individuals and evaluate the performance of an employee currently working for the firm. MaslowÃ¢â¬â¢s model Abraham Maslow was the one who proposed the hierarchy of needs model. The model consisted of the five basic needs that every employee requires from the organization in order to sustain well.The most imperative need is the physiological need of an employee that includes the basic needs without which he cannot survive such as food, water, clothing and shelter. Next comes the safety needs of an employee, that are also essential to make him perform well in an organization and this is followed by the need of belongingness. As man is a social animal, he always needs family and friends, etc. Third is the self-esteem needs that can be explained by admiration as a person always needs recognition from others for encouragement.The last is the need of self-actualization i. e. enhancing ones capabilities. However, some factors also put restrictions to this model and one of them is the differences in thinking levels of the employees belonging to different cultural backgrounds. Rewards and Benefits Rewards and benefits are major set of HRM activities. The business should provide their employees rewards and benefits like pay, fringe, etc. The most common rewards they can give to the employees are workerÃ¢â¬â¢s compensation, social security and unemployment insurance.By focusing the employeeÃ¢â¬â¢s performance it provides benefits to its employees, which are considered by the staff members, executives and managers of the company. Conclusion The leaders are the ones who should encourage their juniors to suggest ideas that could lead to creativity and innovation. The employees should be rewarded, supported and proper amalgamation should be provided for the processes. Fund learning should be encouraged. This can be done by prioritizing it into budgets and work plans and to make it accessible to the employees or it would be of no use.Trust and respect should be placed on all the levels of the organization. Free communication and personalization should be allowed. Constant training or at least monthly or yearly training programs should be held for all the staff to keep on learning new things. The return on investment should be taken care of. The employees should know how much they are contributing to the company. These are some more factors that could help UN to retain their current employees. (Anderson & Anderson, n. d. ). Reference Anderson, D. & Anderson, L. (n. d. ). A.Awake at the Wheel: Moving beyond Change Management to Conscious Change Leadership. March 9th, 2009. Retrieved from: http://www. changeleadersroadmap. com/freeresources/P1D. 7. 17. aspx Brockbank, W. & Ulrich, D. (2005). The HR Value Proposition. Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Evans, C. (2003). Managing for Knowledge Ã¢â¬â HR's Strategic Role. 1st Edn. Butterworth- Heinemann. Pynes, J. E. (2004). Human Resources Management for P ublic and Nonprofit Organizations. (Jossey Bass Nonprofit & Public Management Series). 2nd Edn. Jossey-Bass.
Wednesday, January 8, 2020
Political Theorists: Moralities and Wisdom Political theorists, Socrates and Machiavelli, each provide their own ideas and philosophies for political structure that are still being discussed today. In PlatoÃ¢â¬â¢s writings of Ã¢â¬Å"ApologyÃ¢â¬ and Ã¢â¬Å"CritoÃ¢â¬ , he defines Socrates as man of wisdom and humbleness as he goes through trial and death of a crime he did not commit. MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s writing of Ã¢â¬Å"The PrinceÃ¢â¬ was written as a way to advise a Prince on how to achieve the greatest success as a ruler. These two theorists have different views on how states should be governed as well as the kind of roles the people play in them. Two specific ideas these theorists touch on are wisdom and morality, which overall help explain the differences between the two.Ã¢â¬ ¦show more contentÃ¢â¬ ¦In MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s world, he believes it is morally correct for a Prince to sacrifice the people before ever letting his own government collapse. Machiavelli continue s to show where his morals lay with his investment in foreign affairs as he puts a lot more focus in external affairs than internal, in wanting to conquer smaller and weaker states around him. In terms of foreign affairs MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s morals towards war is presented as once again the state over the people. When entering war he explains to the people that these difficult times are only temporary, even as their Ã¢â¬Å"houses having been burned and their possessions destroyedÃ¢â¬ (The Prince, 47). The Prince still creates a patriotic feel and an obligation from the people to be grateful and have love for their Prince because he has made them believe that he has protected them from outside foreign attacks. It is evident that Machiavelli has high morals for war as he states that a Prince Ã¢â¬Å"should have no other thought, or take up anything as his profession, except for war and its rules and discipline, for that is the only art that befits the one who commandsÃ¢â¬ (The Pr ince, 63). These moral views of what a Prince should prioritize according to Machiavelli are views that Socrates would not agree with. Socrates perspective of morality is very different to what Machiavelli views as important. Overall, Socrates would disagree with a lot of MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s morals especially with theShow MoreRelatedSocrates And Machiavelli1681 Words Ã |Ã 7 PagesSocrates, in his early works, maintained a steadfast distance from involvement in politics, making a comparison or evaluation of a political system in his persona technically impossible. To claim that Socrates would or would not be supportive of any political system might then seem irresponsible, a presumptuous analysis not fitting for an academic recognizing the false equivalence between SocratesÃ¢â¬â¢ philosophy and MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s political ethics. The strategy to conduct any sort of liable and validRead MoreMachiavelli And Socrates1579 Words Ã |Ã 7 PagesMachiavelli and Socrates Niccolo Machiavelli and Socrates both lived during turbulent, political times. Machiavelli in Florence, Italy and Socrates in Athens. MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s The Prince outlines the necessary features and traits of a sovereign, primarily, a Prince. It served as a handbook to effective rulership in the 16th century. By analyzing MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s belief that a prince should be strategically feared, the role of free will , and the role of the people , I will argue that Machiavelli hasRead MoreMachiavelli And Socrates896 Words Ã |Ã 4 PagesMachiavelli and Socrates are two of the most prominent philosophers of history. Each men are characterized by developing distinct schools of thought regarding individual rights and statehood. MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s The Prince is a manual for rulers: lessons based on empirical observations of history. In The Apology written by Plato, Socrates delivers a justification to an Athenian court. It is notRead MoreMachiavelli And Socrates1840 Words Ã |Ã 8 Pagesrespective times, Socrates and NiccolÃ ³ Machiavelli had very different methods and beliefs of how a political system should be run. The mindset of Socrates can be seen in the works Apology and Crito by Plato. Socrates, who values wisdom and justice over power and prestige, would view MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s concept of a Prince very contradicting to how he believes a good life should be lived. In his work, The Prince, Machiavelli details how a prince should rule and maintain power. Socrates would not be supportiveRead MoreSocrates An d Machiavelli1660 Words Ã |Ã 7 Pagesworks of Socrates and Machiavelli are as polarized as the phrases Ã¢â¬Å"the unexamined life is not worth livingÃ¢â¬ and Ã¢â¬Å"the ends justify the means.Ã¢â¬ The Prince by Machiavelli and The Last Days of Socrates by Plato are both crucial texts to the discussion of what makes a good political leader. Well, what makes a good political leader? Socrates would disagree with MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s ideation of the Prince because of the immorality that he allows this model to have in the public sphere. However, Socrates would findRead MoreMachiavelli And Socrates1713 Words Ã |Ã 7 PagesSocrates and NiccolÃ ² Machiavelli were both political philosophers who lived through corruption, violence, and political restlessness. These circumstances prompted them to develop their own solutions for their respective societies. This included the creation of a stable political system with a strong and effective leader through the examination of the fault s of said societies. To Machiavelli, this leader is known as the Ã¢â¬Å"Prince.Ã¢â¬ He believes that the Prince should be pragmatic in his actions, andRead MoreSocrates And Machiavelli1961 Words Ã |Ã 8 PagesWhat would Socrates think of MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s political world? Socrates and Machiavelli were some of the most influential political philosophers in their respective times. Some argue that their view of empowering individuals, whether it be through free speech or ruthless fighting, are quite similar. However, their views of leadership and government do not align. SocratesÃ¢â¬â¢ support for free expression and due process makes his view of effective governance far different from MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s focus on nationalRead MoreSocrates And Machiavelli2009 Words Ã |Ã 9 PagesSocrates and Machiavelli are both very influential philosophers and two of the great minds of their time. However, both of these men had their own separate ideas that did not completely agree with one another. Machiavelli was born into a Renaissance time period of fragmented politics, lots of bloodshed, and angry citizens while Socrates grew up in a time of political adjustment and instability in Athens. Machiavelli constructed The Prince as a political pamphlet to his frie nd Lorenzo de MediciRead MoreMachiavelli And Socrates1976 Words Ã |Ã 8 Pagesand turmoil, both Socrates and Machiavelli use philosophy to evaluate people and politics. After seeing corruption, fragmentation and death, both philosophers developed different views. MachiavelliÃ¢â¬â¢s concept of a Prince includes strong stances on morality and religion. Socrates would be likely to agree on the general ideas that Machiavelli believes a Prince should have but he would differ mainly in how they should be executed. I believe that Socrates would agree with Machiavelli that there needs toRead MoreSocrates And Machiavelli Analysis936 Words Ã |Ã 4 Pages Socrates instilled value in living life as it ought to be and ingrained the pursuit of truth into all of his actions. He relished living as a gadfly to the state; arousing thoughts in others as a means to bring them to higher points of understanding and critical examination, which they then were to apply to their own society. He wanted people to live lives as they ought to live them and for the state to be a reflection of that aim. The leader advocated by Machiavelli, The Prince, is far more authoritarian